What a mess. The season is turning into Bush’s Summer of
Scandals, and the air of Washington is that of a held
breath, everyone waiting to see what comes next.
Remarkably, the issue many in politics feel to be the most
damaging – PR aside – is the one receiving relatively
little direct press. However, it is the issue that all
others seem to link up with behind the scenes.
Treasongate, or Wilsongate – or Whatevergate floats your
boat – has been brewing a long time, and it is now
threatening to boil over. To sum up the history,
ex-diplomat Joe Wilson was sent by Cheney’s office to
investigate the claim that Iraq tried to purchase
“Yellowcake” from Niger for nuclear weapons. Wilson came
back saying the claims were bunk, but almost a year later
they appeared in Bush’s State of the Union address as one
of the impetuses for war.
After a few months on the talk show circuit as a pundit
Wilson wrote a New York Times editorial detailing his
mission and his (non)findings, concluding that the Bush
administration was either grossly incompetent or actively
lying. Soon after, conservative columnist Bob Novak wrote
an article citing two unnamed sources who said Wilson’s
wife, Valerie Plame, was a CIA operative and implied that
the ex-diplomat’s trip to Niger was a boondoggle.
Perhaps the intent was to weaken Wilson’s credentials as a
snooper, perhaps the leak was meant to threaten and
intimidate anyone who thought of blowing whistles in the
future, perhaps something else – we’ll likely never know.
What we do know is it was an unwise move.
First, from a purely realpolitik point-of-view, leaking
Plame’s name was incredibly damaging to intelligence used
in the war on terror. It has been widely reported that
Plame was a member of Brewster, Jennings & Associates –
which journalist Wayne Madsen’s many sources have told him
is a CIA proprietary company. What that means is the
business – while behaving and acting in the economic world
as any other would – is really nothing more than a large
cover operation, designed to allow the CIA access to
secrets of the trade and other corporations. Brewster,
Jennings & Associates happens to be deeply involved
with – and partial owners of – both Mobil and ARAMCO, or
the Arab American Oil Company.
It takes a long time for proprietary companies to get a
firm enough footing to be of any use, and Plame’s was a
fully mature one operating in the mid-east energy sector –
most specifically, working deeply with Saudi Arabia’s oil.
As soon as she was outed, however, her entire company’s
cover was useless – not to mention all the agents involved
with the operation were put at risk.
Another huge problem is this leak basically opened up a
third front for the Bush administration. The first two are
Afghanistan and Iraq, while the third, according to Thomas
Powers and his new book “Intelligence Wars: American Secret
History From Hitler to Al Queda”, is against the CIA
itself.
The shifting of intelligence to the Pentagon rubbed many in
the U.S. intelligence agencies the wrong way, but it
appears the outing of an operative was the last straw. Ever
since then the battle between the civilian military brass
and the CIA has been in high gear – the latest evidence
being Ahmed Challabi’s outing as an Iranian spy. It was a
CIA operation that raided Challabi’s Pentagon-sponsored
office. Challabi – the neocon’s choice as the new Iraqi
leader – has been ousted in favor of Iyad Allawi, a man
more closely connected to the CIA.
Lastly and potentially most damaging of all, the leak is
headed to the courts. The CIA – through George Tenet –
asked the FBI to investigate the crime (for the leaking of
an operative is a very serious crime indeed). Progress was
slow until Attorney-General John Ashcroft was forced to
recuse himself from the investigation in December. Since
then Patrick Fitzgerald, the U.S. Attorney in Chicago, has
headed the case. The rumors are Fitzgerald has placed at
least one of the leaks in Cheney’s office (with whispers
pointing to “Scooter” Libby, Cheney’s Chief-of-Staff), and
it appears indictments are on the way – likely before the
election.
Both Bush and Cheney have consulted with private defense
lawyers on the intricacies of this case – something former
White House counsel and legal expert John Dean calls “a
rather stunning and extraordinary development.” The reason
this is so significant is both men went outside the scores
of government lawyers at their disposal.
Why? Well, in the ‘90s Ken Starr did a wonderful job of
destroying attorney-client privilege when politicians speak
to their government lawyers. Basically, if a politician
wants to talk about something sensitive they now need
private attorneys. The implication is not only that Bush
and Cheney expect to be questioned (Cheney already has had
an interview), but also that they know more than they’ve
said to this point. If it were otherwise there is no need
to look for outside help; if, however, the President knew
of or participated in a cover-up for instance, he would
need to talk about that with a private lawyer so as to keep
his words secret.
There are also those who believe that the resignation of
CIA Director George Tenet and his Deputy Director, James
Pavitt, are related to this. The reason is quite simple:
under Executive Privilege, an acting member of the
Executive Branch can be kept from giving damning testimony
regarding their superiors. The same is not true for former
members of the Executive Branch. Could it be that Tenet
knows the trial is coming, and has chosen to side with the
CIA instead of the White House? We shall soon see. It is
worth noting that Tenet’s resignation left Bush unprepared
and slightly shell-shocked – it certainly appears that
Tenet wasn’t pushed out, but chose his own schedule. He
isn’t acting like a man taking the fall, but one who has an
ace up his sleeve.
Public trials will begin soon, and as those following these
events like to point out at every opportunity, the initial
crimes about to be prosecuted are graver – and the initial
targets higher up the chain – than was the case at this
point in the Watergate timeline. If Wilsongate is in court
before the election and the dirty political games of
administration insiders are exposed – whether or not they
can be directly linked to Bush or Cheney – and especially
if indictments appear to be leading to convictions of
household names, the President-elect may be apparent well
before November.